找中国的心脏是中国茉莉花革命的关键

找中国的心脏是中国茉莉花革命的关键

中国最关键也最禁不起动荡的地点是四川的两个地区与上海、福州、黑龙江与西藏，由于四川航天核武重镇在四川航天城及成都，因而革命必须由此开始，福州、黑龙江与西藏，都是边疆而人烟稀少，且是接近外国而较有外力救助之地区，因而是第二条必须占领的都市群，最后则是上海，只要上海经济一垮，中共必然不死也半条命了。

HOW TO SUCCESS TO access REVOLUTION!

the firse ,ORGANIZE OUR GROUP

second make a good plan and strateagy

third design attacking way in map

fourth connect with private way

fifth fire in each city

sixth

it is better to us that we have to copperate with private way,and then print our paper to everyone and people and then call for polices to help us or fight with sit down the plaze to call for support or attack any one public restauran

The Tools of Political Warfare : part1

The Softer Side

Political warfare utilizes all instruments available to a nation to achieve its national objectives, short of war. The best tool of political warfare is "effective policy forcefully explained",or more directly, "overt policy forcefully backed." But political warfare is used, as one leading thinker on the topic has explained, "when public relations statements and gentle, public diplomacy-style persuasion - the policies of 'soft power' - fail to win the needed sentiments and actions" around the world. The major way political warfare is waged is through propaganda. The essence of these operations can be either overt or covert. "White" or overt propaganda comes from a known source. "Gray" propaganda, on the other hand, is the "semiofficial amplification of a government's voice."Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty are examples of "gray" propaganda during the Cold War. Finally, "black" propaganda originates from an unknown source. The key to black propaganda is the fact that it most often "appears to come from a disinterested source when in fact it does not."

There are many ways, or channels, which can be used to transmit propaganda. Our modern world allows for the sophisticated use of technology to further the goals of political warfare and disseminate information to a vast number of people. The most basic channel is the spoken word. This can include live speeches and radio and television broadcasts. Overt or covert radio broadcasting can be an especially useful tool. The printed word is also very powerful, including pamphlets, leaflets, books, magazines, political cartoons, and planted newspaper articles (clandestine or otherwise). Subversion, agents of influence, spies, journalists, and "useful idiots" can all be used as powerful tools in political warfare.

The Tools of Political Warfare : part II

Soviet Expansion: Formation of the Eastern Bloc.

Political warfare also includes aggressive activities by one actor to offensively gain relative advantage or control over another. Between nation states, the end could be seizure of power and open assimilation of the victimized state into the political system or power complex of the aggressor. This aggressor-victim relationship has also been seen between rivals within a state and may involve tactics like assassination, paramilitary activity, coup d'etat, insurgency, revolution, and guerrilla and civil war.

Foreign Infiltration or Liberation occurs when a government is overthrown by foreign military or diplomatic intervention, or through covert means. The campaign's ultimate purpose is to gain control over another nation's political and social structure. The campaign could be led by the aggressor's national forces or by creating a new aggressive political faction within the state which is favorable to the aggressor. Paul M. Blackstock describes three stages involved in the extension of control by the aggressor over the victim:

1. Penetration or Infiltration: the deliberate infiltration of political and social groups within a victim state by the aggressor, with the ultimate purpose of extending influence and control. The aggressor conceals its endgame, which goes beyond the normal influential nature of diplomacy and involves espionage.

2. Forced Disintegration or Atomization: "is the breakdown of the political and social structure of the victim until the fabric of national morale disintegrates and the state is unable to resist further intervention." The aggressor may exploit the inevitable internal tensions between political, class, ethnic, religious, racial, and other groups.This concept is similar to the age old strategy of 'divide and conquer'.

3. Subversion and Defection: Subversion is the "undermining or detachment of the loyalties of significant political and social groups within the victimized state, and their transference to the political or ideological causes of the aggressor." In lieu of total transference, the aggressor may accept intermediate states that still meets its objectives, such as the favor of politically significant individuals. Furthermore, the formation of a counter-elite, made up of influential individuals and key leaders, within the victim state establishes the legitimacy and permanency of a new regime. Defection is the transference of allegiance of key individuals and leaders to the aggressor's camp. The individual could relocate or stay-in-place in the victim country, continually influencing local issues and events in the aggressor's favor. Defectors also provide insider information to the aggressor.

Pullout of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. 1988.

The Soviet Union remains an comprehensive example of an aggressive nation which expanded its empire through covert infiltration and direct military involvement.Following World War II, the Soviet Union believed European economies would disintegrate, leaving social and economic chaos and allowing for Soviet expansion into new territories. The Soviets quickly deployed organizational weapons like non-political front groups, sponsored 'spontaneous' mass appeals, and puppet politicians. While many of these countries' political and social structures were in post-war disarray, the Soviet's proxy communist parties were well-organized and able to take control of these weak, newly formed governments in Eastern Europe.Moreover, the clandestine operations of the Soviet intelligence services and the occupying forces of the Soviet military further infiltrated the political and social spheres of the new satellites.Conversely, in 1979, the Soviet Union was unable to successfully penetrate the Afghan society, after supporting a coup which brought a new Marxist government to power. While Soviet units were already in Kabul, Afghanistan at the time of the coup, additional Soviet troops arrived to reinforce the units and seize important provincial cities, bringing the total of Soviet troops inside Afghanistan to 125-140,000. The Soviets were unprepared for the Afghan resistance which included classic guerrilla tactics and foreign support. In 1989, Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan, having been unable to infiltrate the Afghan society or immobilize the resistance

Fidel Castro on July 1, 1977. Castro staged a coup in 1959 and installed a communist government.

Coup d'Etat is the overthrowing of a government through the infiltration of the political, military, and social groups by a small segment of the state apparatus. The small segment exists within the state and targets the critical political levers of power within a government to neutralize opposition to the coup and post-coup governing force. Several pre-existing factors are necessary for a coup, to include:

Centralized political participation to a few within the population

Independence from foreign power influence and control

Power and decision-making authority concentrated within a political center and not diffused between regional authorities, businesses, or other groups

A coup utilizes political resources to gain support within the existing state and neutralize/immobilize those who are capable of rallying against the coup. A successful coup occurs rapidly and after taking over the government, it will stabilize the situation by controlling communications and mobility. Furthermore, a new government must gain acceptance from the public and military and administrative structures, by reducing the sense of insecurity. Ultimately, the new government will seek legitimacy in the eyes of its own people as well as seek foreign recognition. The coup d'etat can be led by national forces or involve foreign influence, similar to foreign liberation or infiltration.

Paramilitary Operations: transitional political warfare ranging from small-scale use of violence with primitive organizational structure, like sabotage, to full-scale conventional war. The transition and escalation includes a series of stages and depends on tactical and strategic objectives. Paramilitary activities include infiltration and subversion as well as small group operations, insurrection, and civil war.

Iraqi insurgents are on the surface of the municipality of Ar Ramadi, Al Anbar Province, Iraq, 2005.

Insurgency: an organized, protracted political warfare tool designed to weaken the control and eliminate the legitimacy of an established government, occupying power, or other political authority.An insurgency is an internal conflict, and the primary struggle is to mobilize local populations for political control and gain popular support towards the insurgents' cause. Insurgencies include political and military objectives, with the end goal of establishing a legitimate, rival state structure.Insurgencies are unconventional military conflicts, and incorporate a variety of methods, ranging from coercive tools like intimidation and assassination, to political tools like propaganda and social services. An insurgency's approaches and objectives could involve:

Sow disorder and violence; demonstrating the government's inability to provide security for the populace

Weaken the government and kill/intimidate any effective opposition government leadership

Intimidate the population and discourage its participation in or support for political or legal processes

Control or intimidate police and military forces; limit their ability to respond to insurgent attacks

Create government repression by provoking over-reactions by security or military forces; exploit through propaganda!

it is a suggestion--Non-cooperation movement

Gandhi employed non-cooperation, non-violence and peaceful resistance as his "weapons" in the struggle against the British Raj. In Punjab, the Jallianwala Bagh massacre of civilians by British troops (also known as the Amritsar Massacre) caused deep trauma to the nation, leading to increased public anger and acts of violence. Gandhi criticised both the actions of theBritish Raj and the retaliatory violence of Indians. He authored the resolution offering condolences to British civilian victims and condemning the riots which, after initial opposition in the party, was accepted following Gandhi's emotional speech advocating his principle that all violence was evil and could not be justified.[32] But it was after the massacre and subsequent violence that Gandhi's mind focused upon obtaining complete self-government and control of all Indian government institutions, maturing soon into Swaraj or complete individual, spiritual, political independence.

 Mahatma Gandhi's room atSabarmati Ashram

 Sabarmati Ashram, Gandhi's home in Gujarat

In December 1921, Gandhi was invested with executive authority on behalf of the Indian National Congress. Under his leadership, the Congress was reorganised with a new constitution, with the goal of Swaraj. Membership in the party was opened to anyone prepared to pay a token fee. A hierarchy of committees was set up to improve discipline, transforming the party from an elite organisation to one of mass national appeal. Gandhi expanded his non-violence platform to include the swadeshi policy — the boycott of foreign-made goods, especially British goods. Linked to this was his advocacy that khadi (homespun cloth) be worn by all Indians instead of British-made textiles. Gandhi exhorted Indian men and women, rich or poor, to spend time each day spinning khadi in support of the independence movement.[33] Gandhi even invented a small portable spinning wheel that could be folded into the size of a small typewriter.[34] This was a strategy to inculcate discipline and dedication to weed out the unwilling and ambitious, and to include women in the movement at a time when many thought that such activities were not respectable activities for women. In addition to boycotting British products, Gandhi urged the people to boycott British educational institutions and law courts, to resign from government employment, and to forsake British titles and honours.

"Non-cooperation" enjoyed widespread appeal and success, increasing excitement and participation from all strata of Indian society. Yet, just as the movement reached its apex, it ended abruptly as a result of a violent clash in the town of Chauri Chaura, Uttar Pradesh, in February 1922. Fearing that the movement was about to take a turn towards violence, and convinced that this would be the undoing of all his work, Gandhi called off the campaign of mass civil disobedience.[35] Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922, tried for sedition, and sentenced to six years' imprisonment. He began his sentence on 18 March 1922. He was released in February 1924 for an appendicitis operation, having served only 2 years.

Without Gandhi's unifying personality, the Indian National Congress began to splinter during his years in prison, splitting into two factions, one led by Chitta Ranjan Das and Motilal Nehru favouring party participation in the legislatures, and the other led by Chakravarti Rajagopalachariand Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, opposing this move. Furthermore, cooperation among Hindus and Muslims, which had been strong at the height of the non-violence campaign, was breaking down. Gandhi attempted to bridge these differences through many means, including a three-week fast in the autumn of 1924, but with limited success.[36]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohandas_Karamchand_Gandhi#Non-cooperation

peace and a violence

demonstrators HAVE TO cooperate together group by group with a private way, seeking to suppress calls for change and democracy to be step by step with a peace and a violence!!

democracy of Permanent Revolution--writer introducing

wrote by Gung-Yu Chen Dec 2010-- Jan 2011 in Taipei,Taiwan,ROC

democracy of Permanent Revolution (V)

the paper-working is an unusually anticipatory attempt at developing a politically-strategic autocracy, one devoid of fatalistic reliance on ’’immutable’’ historical laws independent of human initiative. Contrary to the empowering, dignifying, rejuvenating character of the councils as historical organs of people self-liberation, the often sectional, narrow, reformist trade union consciousness and bureaucratic structure serve as a depoliticising factor. The corporatist attitude based on (short-term) self-interest is antagonistic to the development of population-class unity and solidarity, let alone the construction of multi-class alliances or united fronts. ’’Each man, finally, outside his professional activity, carries on some form of intellectual activity, that is, he is a ’philosopher’, an artist, a man of taste, he participates in a particular conception of the world, has a conscious line of moral conduct, and therefore contributes to sustain a conception of the world or modify it, that is, to bring to being new modes of thought .’’ In a world of religious architecture, religious checks and restricting people’s motivationto strike a democracy, that is, when the theocratic dictatorship oppressed people to seek democracy, it will be seen as heresy to the religious cult-like view.  The development of counter- autocracy hegemony is tied with the project of constructing a long-term, sustainable united front. One of the most significant developments in the modern capitalist practice of exercising class domination is the changing relationship between the State and civil society, the increased and increasingly sophisticated role of autocracy hegemony, often subtle but pervasive ideological control and manipulation, popular ’’consensus’’ realised not simply through physical coercion or threat of it (though this element certainly continues to play its part), but also through the mass culture of autocracy, the largely refined ’’industry of consciousness’’ (Hans Magnus Enzensberger) encompassing education, the media, entertainment, popular social practices and beliefs, the law etc. It cannot be fought successfully on a purely institutional level; a populist ’’counter autocracy hegemony  must be constructed if the struggle is to be sustained through a long period. Capitalism is an ’’ensemble of relations’’; therefore it cannot be opposed in a partial, particularistic way. Indeed, ’’civil society has become a very complex structure and one which is resistant to the catastrophic ’incursions’ of the immediate economic element of autocracy (crises, depressions, etc.).“

democracy of Permanent Revolution (IV)

There can be two forms of political optimism. We can exaggerate our strength and advantages in a revolutionary situation and undertake tasks which are not justified by the given correlation of forces. On the other hand, we may optimistically set a limit to our revolutionary tasks – beyond which, however, we shall inevitably be driven by the logic of our position.

It is possible to limit the scope of all the questions of the revolution by asserting that our revolution is bourgeois in its objective aims and therefore in its inevitable results, closing our eyes to the fact that the chief actor in this bourgeois revolution is the proletariat, which is being impelled towards power by the entire course of the revolution.

We may reassure ourselves that in the framework of a bourgeois revolution the political domination of the proletariat will only be a passing episode, forgetting that once the proletariat has taken power in its hands it will not give it up without a desperate resistance, until it is torn from its hands by armed force.

We may reassure ourselves that the political conditions of Russia are still not ripe for a politicalist economy, without considering that the proletariat, on taking power, must, by the very logic of its position, inevitably be urged toward the introduction of state management of industry. The general sociological termbourgeois revolution by no means solves the politico-tactical problems, contradictions and difficulties which the mechanics of a given bourgeois revolution throw up.

Within the framework of the bourgeois revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, the objective task of which was to establish the domination of capital, the dictatorship of the sansculottes was found to be possible. This dictatorship was not simply a passing episode, it left its impress upon the entire ensuing century, and this in spite of the fact that it was very quickly shattered against the enclosing barriers of the bourgeois revolution. In the revolution at the beginning of the twentieth century, the direct objective tasks of which are also bourgeois, there emerges as a near prospect the inevitable, or at least the probable, political domination of the proletariat. The proletariat itself will see to it that this domination does not become a mere passing ‘episode’, as some realist philistines hope. But we can even now ask ourselves: is it inevitable that the proletarian dictatorship should be shattered against the barriers of the bourgeois revolution, or is it possible that in the given world-historical conditions, it may discover before it the prospect of victory on breaking through these barriers? Here we are confronted by questions of tactics: should we consciously work towards a working-class government in proportion as the development of the revolution brings this stage nearer, or must we at that moment regard political power as a misfortune which the bourgeois revolution is ready to thrust upon the workers, and which it would be better to avoid?

democracy of Permanent Revolution (III)

The proletariat grows and becomes stronger with the growth of capitalism. In this sense the development of capitalism is also the development of the proletariat towards dictatorship. But the day and the hour when power will pass into the hands of the working class depends directly not upon the level attained by the productive forces but upon relations in the class struggle, upon the international situation, and, finally, upon a number of subjective factors: the traditions, the initiative and the readiness to fight of the workers.

It is possible for the workers to come to power in an economically backward country sooner than in an advanced country. In 1871 the workers deliberately took power in their hands in petty-bourgeois Paris – true, for only two months, but in the big-capitalist centres of Britain or the United States the workers have never held power for so much as an hour. To imagine that the dictatorship of the proletariat is in some way automatically dependent on the technical development and resources of a country is a prejudice of ‘economic’ materialism simplified to absurdity.

democracy of Permanent Revolution (II)

The State is not an end in itself, but is a tremendous means for organizing, disorganizing and reorganizing political relations. It can be a powerful lever for revolution or a tool for organized stagnation, depending on the hands that control it.

Every political party worthy of the name strives to capture political power and thus place the State at the service of the class whose interests it expresses. The Political-Democrats, being the party of the proletariat, naturally strive for the political domination of the working class.

democracy of Permanent Revolution

Revolution is an open measurement of strength between political forces in a struggle for power. The State is not an end in itself. It is only a machine in the hands of the dominating political forces. Like every machine it has its motor, transmitting and executive mechanism. The driving force of the State is elite interest; its motor mechanism is agitation, the press, church and school propaganda, parties, street meetings, petitions and revolts. The transmitting mechanism is the legislative organization of caste, dynastic, estate or class interests represented as the will of God (absolutism) or the will of the nation (parliamentarism). Finally, the executive mechanism is the administration, with its police, the courts, with their prisons, and the army.