democracy of Permanent Revolution (V)

the paper-working is an unusually anticipatory attempt at developing a politically-strategic autocracy, one devoid of fatalistic reliance on ’’immutable’’ historical laws independent of human initiative. Contrary to the empowering, dignifying, rejuvenating character of the councils as historical organs of people self-liberation, the often sectional, narrow, reformist trade union consciousness and bureaucratic structure serve as a depoliticising factor. The corporatist attitude based on (short-term) self-interest is antagonistic to the development of population-class unity and solidarity, let alone the construction of multi-class alliances or united fronts. ’’Each man, finally, outside his professional activity, carries on some form of intellectual activity, that is, he is a ’philosopher’, an artist, a man of taste, he participates in a particular conception of the world, has a conscious line of moral conduct, and therefore contributes to sustain a conception of the world or modify it, that is, to bring to being new modes of thought .’’ In a world of religious architecture, religious checks and restricting people’s motivationto strike a democracy, that is, when the theocratic dictatorship oppressed people to seek democracy, it will be seen as heresy to the religious cult-like view.  The development of counter- autocracy hegemony is tied with the project of constructing a long-term, sustainable united front. One of the most significant developments in the modern capitalist practice of exercising class domination is the changing relationship between the State and civil society, the increased and increasingly sophisticated role of autocracy hegemony, often subtle but pervasive ideological control and manipulation, popular ’’consensus’’ realised not simply through physical coercion or threat of it (though this element certainly continues to play its part), but also through the mass culture of autocracy, the largely refined ’’industry of consciousness’’ (Hans Magnus Enzensberger) encompassing education, the media, entertainment, popular social practices and beliefs, the law etc. It cannot be fought successfully on a purely institutional level; a populist ’’counter autocracy hegemony  must be constructed if the struggle is to be sustained through a long period. Capitalism is an ’’ensemble of relations’’; therefore it cannot be opposed in a partial, particularistic way. Indeed, ’’civil society has become a very complex structure and one which is resistant to the catastrophic ’incursions’ of the immediate economic element of autocracy (crises, depressions, etc.).“